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Pamela S. Karlan

Pamela S. Karlan is Kenneth and Harle Montgomery Professor of Public Interest Law at Stanford Law School and coauthor of Keeping Faith with the Constitution. She writes a bimonthly BR column, Karlan's Court, concerning law, the Supreme Court, and the Constitution.

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Strange bedfellows on the bench are a source and a sign of the Constitution’s flexibility.

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The framers of the Constitution did not anticipate political parties.

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In the marriage and voting rights cases, the world outside powerfully affected the court.

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The Constitution assigns the job of carrying out its vision to all the branches of government, not just to the judiciary.

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As of 2010, more than 5.85 million American citizens were disenfranchised because of criminal convictions. This is troubling. 

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When the justices belittle the political branches, they hamper the government’s ability to solve our most pressing problems.

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Today, the vast majority of felony defendants depend on appointed counsel to represent them, and the quality of representation varies wildly.

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Justice Scalia betrayed originalist interpretation when he defended an individual right to own guns.

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When Obama was sworn into office, there were 55 vacancies on the federal bench. There are now more than 75.

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Pam Karlan on the Supreme Court’s Health Care Ruling.

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The Decades-Long Fight Against Political Money.

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Creating a more productive politics for the future.

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An Interview with Pam Karlan

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The question is not whether federal judges should strike down popularly enacted policies, but when.

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 If Congress had voted to provide every American with health care through a national health service, that new law would be safe from constitutional challenge.

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The median lifespan of a national constitution is roughly the life expectancy of a Great Dane. Why has the U.S. Constitution endured?

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Bush v. Gore casts a shadow far beyond the Court’s election-law docket.

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In contrast to Loving v. Virginia, on the same-sex marriage issue the Court may have to make a decision before a national consensus emerges.

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Even if the Supreme Court decided that corporations are in every way like persons, there might be limits on the corporate role in politics.

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Anti-immigrant activists argue that the citizenship clause does not mean what it says. They are wrong.

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Ineffective trial lawyers, inconclusive evidence, inconsistent testimony, and impenetrable procedural thickets are not unique to capital cases.

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New Challenges to the Fourth Amendment.

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The Supreme Court may be signaling potential wrongdoers that they can infringe rights with impunity.

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“It’s my job to call balls and strikes and not to pitch or bat,” Chief Justice John Roberts once said. So why does his court tell litigants what to argue?

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