The eighty-nine-year-old musician and activist Pete Seeger, who is largely responsible for connecting folk music to the American left, joined the Communist Party in his twenties. Seeger has been candid, if at times self-serving, about his early support for Stalin, but the recent PBS “American Masters” documentary on Seeger is so disingenuous, when it comes to his and the Party’s activities, that it gives an impression of 1930s communism as a program for nothing more than peace, equality, and down-home music. The young Seeger comes across as a cheerleader not for Stalin’s Russia, but only for the sorts of social reforms any progressive might advance today.
Equally misleading in its portrayal of an unsettling early position has been press coverage of the career of William F. Buckley, Jr., who died in February. Buckley made his name by providing intellectual leadership to those who did much, in the 1940s and ’50s, to punish Seeger, other former Party members, fellow-traveling liberals, and certain bystanders. Appreciations of Buckley’s contribution to conservatism blur not his embrace of McCarthyism—some of his admirers remain fairly proud of that—but his support for white Southern efforts to prevent black citizens from voting.
Buckley and Seeger share, along with fake-sounding accents and preppie backgrounds, a problem that inspires forgetfulness, falsification, and denial in their supporters. Fired by opposed and equally fervent political passions, both men once took actions that their cultural progeny find untenable.
This article has become a book!
William Hogeland
Cloth / April 2009
“For William Hogeland, thinking about history is an act of moral inquiry and high citizenship. A searching and original voice.” — Rick Perlstein, author of Nixonland
American public historyin magazines and books, television documentaries and museumstends to celebrate its subject at all costs. This does us a great disservice, argues William Hogeland. Looking at details glossed over in three examples of public historythe Alexander Hamilton revival, tributes to Pete Seeger and William F. Buckley, and the Constitution Center in PhiladelphiaHogeland considers what we lose when history is written to conform to political aims.
Instead Hogeland calls for a public history grounded in the gritty events of the day. Only by embracing historys contradictions and difficulties, he argues, will we be able to learn from it.
William Hogeland is author of The Whiskey Rebellion: George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and the Frontier Rebels Who Challenged America's Newfound Sovereignty.
William Hogeland,
Inventing Alexander Hamilton
Corey Robin, Endgame
BR Footnote:
Boston Reviews intern blog
When you read the biographies of these so-called “workers,” you note that most of these Communists died with property and money. Yet the millionaire Communists like Berthold Brecht or Lillian Hellman always disdained Bill Buckley for his wealth.
So many sad Red hypocrites.
For a young Mr. Seeger to be confronted with the cruelty of Stalin's regime, he would have had to cross an ocean and a continent in a time before easy transatlantic communication, let alone travel. Mr. Buckley would only need go south some ten hours by train from New York.
But again, there are the deceptions involved in each case; were Mr. Seeger to somehow travel to the Soviet Union of his youth, he might have been confronted with a Potemkin Village of happy workers and vigorous industry. Mr. Buckley, on the other hand, would merely have needed to speak to one of his fellow American citizens, albeit one of a somewhat different background. If the South had Potemkin Villages, they were occupied exclusively by whites.
Sympathy for one group does not excuse brutality towards another. But sympathy for the powerless at least has the virtue of rough justice, while sympathy for the powerful is the sign of a crippled conscience.
Both men willfully deafened themselves to suffering in the interests of their cause. Mr. Seeger's error was bad enough, to ignore the suffering of far away Russians. But Mr. Buckley's error, not merely ignoring but belittling the suffering of American citizens, who shouted at the tops of their lungs that they were being treated as less than men, was ugly bigotry.
The paragraph on affirmative action seems to me unfortunately compressed and under-defended, however. In what sense, exactly, does conservative opposition to affirmative action "inherit" Buckley's elitist defense of racial suppression of the 50's? In what way is this conservative position a "legacy" of Buckley's earlier views?
Conservatives do not favor outlaw means to end affirmative action, nor do they base their opposition on an elitist opinion of the unfortunate results that would attend preferences in educating and hiring culturally-backward minorities. There are different conservative arguments of course, some based on supposedly blind application of equal-opportunity ideals, others based on the supposed inefficacy of affirmative action. None that I can think of seem very like any of Buckley's positions on black voting rights.
If Mr. Hogeland wrote an essay about Charles, Ruth & Pete Seeger's political views, wouldn't standard practice have required it to be more carefully sourced that this piece is? For example, attributing Pete's views to his father's seems to me thinly documented. (Even when parent and child agree, the fact of the agreement may not have been caused by the parent.) People who want to be seen as debunkers need to more careful than than us ranters.
The shame of it is, Mr. Hogeland's Seeger effort concerns a subject interesting (to me at least). So I am sorry he treated it in such a slap-dash manner.
Mr. Hogeland idea, however, that Seeger and Buckley -- a life-long defender of racism and privilege -- were both romantic may need to be re-thought.
The above is always the central idea of conservatism. And Nazism, Fascism and all the rest of the right wing. Always.
It always comes down to "their" right to decide what "civilization" is and then to protect it from "us."
"They" are always the self selected superiors to "us."
Slavery, woman's suffrage, unions, gay rights, name the advance and "civilization is in dire peril." It's-sadly, very, very sadly-time, once again, to supercede democracy and "reign in the mob!"
Conservatism always devolves back to absolute power and to kissing the French King's ass.