‘Even before the new changes,
bankruptcy laws were racially biased’
A. Mechele
Dickerson
8
The essence of the new bankruptcy “reform” law that
was signed this spring is best captured by a scene, a saying,
and a scripture.
The scene—from the
television show Seinfeld—features one character telling another
character to remember that “it’s not a lie if you believe it.”
The president and the members of Congress who supported this new law
told themselves that people file for bankruptcy because they are
irresponsible and make too many extravagant purchases. These
politicians convinced themselves that those irresponsible people
could repay their bills but chose not to. They convinced themselves
that the increased bankruptcy filing rate imposed a $400
“bankruptcy tax” on every honest American family that paid its
bills. They stuck to their beliefs even though empirical data showed
that most people who file for bankruptcy do so because of
skyrocketing health-care costs, the loss of an income source, or
divorce-related debts. They kept believing the lie despite studies
that proved that the $400 tax simply did not exist. Elected officials
convinced themselves that the over-consumption myth, as described in
Warren and Tyagi’s essay, is true.
The saying is the term
“perpetratin’¬†”—imitating or pretending to be something
that you aren’t. In numerous ways, the new bankruptcy law
“perpetrates.” It pretends that mandatory credit counseling is
benign and will help individuals avoid irresponsible spending, even
though testimony presented during recent congressional hearings
disclosed that numerous credit-counseling companies charge excessive
fees for debt management plans, give little or no counseling or
education, and promise results that they fail to deliver. Credit
counseling is perpetratin’ as something that will help individuals
even though evidence suggests that debtors often end up worse off
financially after “counseling.”
The new bankruptcy law pretends
that it is morally just and designed to force individuals to be more
fiscally responsible. Warren and Tyagi’s essay shows, though, that
vote-buying in Congress by the financial-services industry turned
this law into a morally corrupt one that was passed to protect the
interests of consumer lenders. The politicians pretend that the bill
will help individuals, when in fact it was passed to help consumer
lenders avoid internalizing the costs of their own irresponsible
lending practices.
People of color have probably been the most
frequent victims of this perpetratin’ law. Even before the new
changes, bankruptcy laws were racially biased, because they primarily
benefited married couples who had wealth (especially retirement
income) and who financially supported only legal dependents. Census
and other empirical data show that minorities generally have lower
marriage rates; that there is a significant gap between average white
household net worth and the net worth of most minority households;
and that minorities are significantly more likely to provide support
to non-legal dependents than are whites. The new law not only
perpetuates the benefit gap, but widens it by providing a subsidy to
parents who choose to send their children to private schools—the
recipients of which will, again, be predominantly white.
The
scripture is from Hebrews 11:1, in which faith is described as “the
substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen.”
The politicians who supported this new law had faith that the higher
bankruptcy filing rate could be attributed solely to irresponsible
spending. So strong was their faith that they were not willing to
even consider that unexpected job losses, or medical catastrophes, or
just plain bad luck may have pushed a significant number of
individuals into bankruptcy court. And any faith that individuals may
have placed in politicians, or in the new law itself, proved to be
unwarranted. They may have hoped that the law would make it harder
for creditors to engage in deceptive or predatory lending practices,
but it doesn’t do that. They may have hoped that the law would make
it easier for them to keep their homes, rather than lose them because
of imprudent home-equity borrowing or risky mortgage products, but it
doesn’t do that either.
The new bankruptcy law’s assault on the
middle class may show leaders of progressive rights-based
organizations (including the NAACP, the National Council of La Raza,
the National Urban League, the National Women’s Law Center, unions,
and others) that they need to change their political agenda. These
groups should develop and aggressively pursue strategies that will
help close the racial wealth gap and eliminate deceptive consumer
lending practices that target racial minorities. Traditional
civil-rights issues, such as ensuring equal opportunity in the
workplace and schools, should, of course, remain a fixed part of
their agendas. However, with luck—and a little faith,
perhaps—this perpetratin’ law may make economic empowerment the
cornerstone of a new civil-rights agenda.
A focus on consumer practices can
help identify areas in which public policy can provide incentives
for families, neighborhoods, school districts, and states to ensure
quality education in every neighborhood rather than reward consumption
practices that worsen inequality. Whether in education, housing,
lending, or health, a real agenda for change simply cannot afford
anything less than a serious look at consumer culture. <
A. Mechele Dickerson
is a professor at the University of Texas Law School.
Click here to return to the New
Democracy Forum “What's Hurting the Middle
Class.”
Originally published in the September/October 2005
issue of Boston Review
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